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History Today, Mar90, Vol. 40 Issue 3, p24, 6p, 2c, 7bw
THE BAHA'IS OF IRAN
Juan Cole looks at the pacifist, prophetic and millenarian 'world
religion' whose leader emerged from the social and political unrest of
19th-century Iran and whose followers have since been persecuted by shah
and ayatollah alike.
As measured by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Islamic
Republic of Iran has for the past decade achieved one of the worst human
rights records of any country in the world. Of course, many of the
government-sponsored summary arrests and executions carried out have
targeted political groupings that posed an alternative to the clerical
state. But the Khomeini regime has also persecuted communities that
posed no particular threat to the Islamic Republic's stability, most
prominently the Baha'is. The Baha'is, numbering some 3400,000 in Iran,
constitute the country's largest non-Muslim religious minority. The
mullahs, or clerics, now in control have had nearly 200 of the most
active Baha'i leaders executed, in addition to placing severe
disabilities upon the religion's adherents. The Baha'is have responded
to this persecution without violence, unlike most Iranian political
groups. Although the past ten years have constituted the longest
sustained bout of official persecution the Baha'is of Iran have faced,
they have, since their religion's inception in the 1860s, encountered
hostility and occasional pogroms from the Shi'ite Muslim society in
which they subsist. What is it about this small and ostensibly rather
harmless group of people, who now constitute a little less than 1 per
cent of Iran's population, that attracts the venom of the Shi'ite
supremacists? What does the Baha'i religion stand for? Can Baha'is be
classed as prophets without honour?
Religions of the Near East have arisen in conjunction with great
po1itical movements and transitions. Peoples of this area have for four
millennia perceived their God to work in history. This history begins
with creation, is informed by the confrontation between prophets and the
powers that be, and has its climax in the advent of a messiah (or the
return of a messiah already come). These elements are common to the
major religions that have grown up in this region: Judaism,
Zoroastrianism, Christianity, Islam, and the Baha'i faith. From the
seventh century AD, Islam came to dominate the Near East, propounding a
belief that the Prophet Muhammad had come to continue the work of the
biblical prophets, from Abraham to Jesus of Nazareth. Many Muslims
expressed, in their folk religion and even in learned commentary on the
Quran, the expectation that two messianic figures would arise on earth
before the resurrection day. The first of these, the Mahdi or
'rightly-guided' one, would descend from the Prophet Muhammad and would
restore the world to justice after it had been filled with iniquity. The
second, Jesus Christ, would thereafter return. Millenarian movements
pro1iferated with especial vigour among the Shi'ite Muslims. The Imami
Shi'ites believe that a line of Muhammad's descendants through his
daughter, Fatimah, ought to have ruled the early Islamic state, but that
other dynasties unjustly shunted aside these leaders or Imams. They hold
that the twelfth imam in the line of the Prophet's house disappeared
into a supernatural realm from which he would some day return as the
Mahdi. The line of imams prematurely ended, leaving the Shi'ites with no
wholly legitimate ruler. Over time, the Shi'ite clergy asserted that in
regard to religious functions they could stand proxy for the absent imam
until his advent. After the Shi'ite Safavid dynasty conquered Iran in
1501, it sought the help of the clergy in converting Iran to that branch
of Islam and in legitimising the new state.
Both this religious tradition and a set of political and social problems
formed the background to the rise of the Baha'i faith. The shahs of the
Qajar dynasty (1785-1925) promoted Twelver Shi'ism and a form of tribal
feudalism'in Iran. Shi'i clerics largely co-operated with the Qajar
state, which in turn helped enforce Shi'i orthodoxy. The Qajars had the
misfortune to rule over Iran at a time when it was being decisively
incorporated into the capitalist world market and the European colonial
and neo-colonial political system. Between 1804-14 and again in 1826-28
Iran fought wars with Russia that proved disastrous for Tehran, which
lost territory, had to pay heavy indemnities, and had to agree to fixed
low tariffs on imported goods. Anglo-Russian rivalry in Iran detracted
from state sovereignty and impeded infrastructural development, as with
the railways, for instance. Although Iran's foreign trade probably
increased twelve times in the course of the nineteenth century, and its
population doubled to nine million, its economic development did not
match that of Egypt and Turkey, and it fell very far behind the
industrialising North Atlantic states. Artisans and merchants faced
stiff competition from imported manufactures and international
joint-stock companies. From the 1860s, Iran underwent a series of
economic disasters, including the devastation of its silk industry by a
silkworm disease, a famine in 1872, and a global collapse in the price
of silver, the base for Iran's currency. These developments created
sectoral misery and acted as a brake on growth even though the economy
continued slowly to expand.
Aside from social discontents, the immediate background for the rise of
the Baha'i faith (Din-i Bahai) lay in Shi'ite esoteric and millenarian
movements. The year 1844 (or 1260 of the Muslim era) marked the
thousandth anniversary of the disappearance of the Twelfth Imam.
Adherents of the esoteric Shaykhi school in particular speculated that
the Mahdi would arise in that year. Out of this millenarian ferment
arose the Babi movement. Its founder, a young man from a merchant
background in Shiraz, Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad, declared himself from 1844
to have some sort of extraordinary relationship
with the Hidden Imam. At first he was proclaimed a 'gate' (bah) to the
Twelfth Imam. He later said he was the return of the Imam Mahdi himself,
and he asserted that divine inspiration led him to reveal a new holy
book abrogating the Quran. He apparently approved of a slightly improved
status for women, allowed the taking of interest on loans, and forbade
non-Bahi merchants to operate in certain areas of Iran. He interpreted
doctrines such as the resurrection symbolically. As Abbas Amanat has
shown, the Bab's religion spread rapidly, appealing to merchants,
guildsmen and workers in Iran's cities and small towns, so that he may
have had 100,000 adherents by 1849. But in that year he was officially
pronounced a heretic. Clashes began to occur between Shi'ite and newly
Babi quarters of some towns, necessitating the intervention of
government troops. In 1850 the Qajar state had the Bah executed, and
intervened on the side of the Shi'ites in local conflicts. In 1852 Babi
leaders in Tehran attempted to have Nasiru'd-Din Shah assassinated in
retaliation for his execution of their prophet, but failed. In response,
the shah ordered a nationwide witch-hunt for Babis, hundreds of whom
were tortured and put to death. Between 1849 and the mid-1850s some
5,000 Babis were killed.
The crisis in the nativist, radical and sometimes militant Babi movement
formed the crucible for the rise of the Baha'i faith, a pacifist and
cosmopolitan successor religion. The Nuri brothers, among the few nobles
to have adopted Babism, emerged as the primary focus of authority after
the Bab's death. The more prominent brother, and the eldest, Mirza
Husayn 'Ali (entitled Baha'u'llah or the Glory of God, 181792), cut an
almost Tolstoyan figure. Repulsed by violence, concerned with the
welfare of peasants, dedicated to spreading the new religion since its
inception in 1844, he attracted the attention of the Qajar state. But
his younger brother and ward, the teenaged Yahya Nuri (entitled Subh-i
Azal or Morn of Eternity) was said to have been appointed the Bab's
vicar in 1850. Baha'u'llah later maintained that Azal's appointment had
been a ruse to draw fire from himself, the real leader. Baha'u'llah was
exiled to neighbouring '.Ottoman Iraq in 1853 for his Babi beliefs,
having been found innocent of involvement in the assassination plot:
Azal joined his older half-brother in Baghdad, but remained under
cover.
By the 1860s, many Babis, dissatisfied with Azal's furtive leadership
and disappointed that their religion had gone underground, yearned for
some new form of authority. The widespread expectation that Jesus would
return after the advent of the Mahdi led many to speculate that a new
theophany would soon appear. The Bab himself had spoken of a future
prophet, 'One whom God would make manifest', who would arise to confirm
or modify Babism. In 1863 Baha'u'llah revealed to a small group of
relatives and friends that he was the promised one of the Bab. In the
same year the Ottoman authorities responded to Iranian pressure by
further exiling Baha'u'llah, first to Istanbul, and then to Edirne. Azal
insisted on accompanying his older half-brother to Turkey. Between 1864
and 1867 Baha'u'llah began sending emissaries back to Iran with the news
that he was the one whom the Bab prophesied God would make manifest.
This proclamation met with an enthusiastic response among Babis, who
began becoming Baha'is, or followers of Baha'u'llah, in great numbers
But it created a good deal of bitterness in Azal, who had become
attached to the perquisites of religious authority. Constant Azali
complaints led the frustrated Ottomans to separate the two brothers,
sending Azal to Cyprus and Baha'u'llah to the pestiferous prison of Acre
in Palestine.
Baha'u'llah first of all proclaimed himself to the Babis back in Iran,
through quotation and exegesis of the Bab's works, as the messianic
figure foretold by the Bab. Then, in the period 1866-72 he penned
epistles to the kings and rulers of the world, including Queen Victoria,
the Ottoman sultan, the Iranian shah, Napoleon III of France, the tsar,
and the pope. These letters had two primary purposes First, through the
Palestine consulates he informed the rulers of his messianic role and
urged them to heed his counsel. Baha'u'llah as the successor of the Bab
(the Mahdi) had the status of the return of Christ. He wrote, 'The river
Jordan is joined to the Most Great Ocean, and the Son, in the holy vale,
crieth out: "Here am I, here am I, O Lord, my God!"' He saw himself, in
addition, as the fulfillment of all the great world religions.
Baha'u'llah not only made his second coming known to these rulers, but
also put forth some general social teachings. In an era of absolutism,
he favoured constitutional monarchy and world federalism, and often
exercised an option for the poor. He commended the abolition of slavery
and of serfdom, and wrote to Queen Victoria: 'We have also heard that
thou hast entrusted the reins of counsel into the hands of the
representatives of the people. Thou, indeed, hast done well. '
Baha'u'llah called upon members of parliament in Britain and elsewhere
to arise for the reform of society. He added. 'That which God hath
ordained as the sovereign remedy and mightiest instrument for the
healing of the world is the union of all its peoples in one universal
Cause, one common Faith.' During the tense period leading up to the
Franco-Prussian war, he called upon the world's rulers to establish
peace and to cease their ruinous military build-up, which they paid for
through onerous taxes on the poor. He stigmatised such actions as 'a
heinous wrong,' and urged lower, bearable taxes. He pointed out-that if
these rulers established peace. they would not need so many weapons. and
urged them to accept this political. 'Lesser Peace', insofar as they had
refused the 'Most Great Peace' that could have been achieved under the
Baha'i banner.
Baha'u'llah's vision went beyond social reform within the framework of
individual nation-states. He advised. 'Glory not in love for your
country, but in love for all mankind'. This world-mindedness, he
thought, should be given a practical shape; he called for 'the holding
of a vast, an an-embracing assemblage of men,' to be attended by' the
rulers and kings or their appointees. The global assembly 'must consider
such ways and means as will lay the foundations of the world's Great
Peace amongst men' and should determine that if any nation attacked
another, all would combine to stop the aggressor. He also advocated the
adoption of a world language and script: 'when this is achieved, to
whatsoever city a man may journey, it shall be as if he were entering
his own home.' Baha'u'llah felt that human disunity derived from
religious and ethnic prejudice, which he wished to replace with
toleration and unity. In this connection he abrogated the Islamic and
Babi principle of holy war (jihad), and even said it is better to be
killed than to kill.
In a book written in 1875, Baha'u'l-lab's eldest son, 'Abdu'l-Baha,
called upon Iranians to awaken from their slumber, and defended the
importation of modern science and technology from the West. He argued
for a limitation on the power of government officials, the establishment
of representative, elected governmental institutions, the raising of the
masses out of poverty, the improvement of Iran's infrastructure, and the
setting up of a modern school system. Like his father, 'Abdu'lBaha
advocated global disarmament, the founding of a global assembly, and the
renewal of religion to combat Voltairean atheism.
The radical nature of these proposals at the time they were made must
be emphasised. The Ottoman Sultans avoided calling a parliament in the
nineteenth century, except briefly in 1877-78. Nasiru'd-Din Shah of Iran
experimented with cabinet government in the early 1870s, but decided
against it, and never countenanced talk of constitutions and
parliaments. Central and Eastern Europe also subsisted under
authoritarian regimes. Arms reduction, lowering regressive taxes on the
poor, and the calling of a world assembly, likewise, would have found
few advocates in most councils of state in the early 1870s.
Baha'u'llah's message, then, struck a responsive chord among the Babis
back in Iran, nearly all of whom became Baha'is. J.D.Rees of the Indian
civil service found in 1885 evidence of substantial Baha'i followings
among the merchant class in Qazvin and among townspeople in Hamadan,
Abadih, and Mashhad. The local leadership for the. Baha'i community,
which had no official clergy, often came from the urban merchant class.
In addition to the Babis, Baha'u'llah attracted adherents from the
Shrite middle strata, and from Iran's Jewish and Zoroastrian
communities. The religion spread to India in Baha'u'llah's own lifetime,
and soon after his death to the United States.
The rise of a new religion attracted the notice of Iranian governmental
officials and of Shi'ite clergymen. The Qajar state feared Babism and
remained suspicious of its successor. Furthermore, the Baha'i advocacy
of a constitutional and parliamentary regime in Iran threatened the
reactionary Qajar officials. Until the constitutional revolution of
1905-11, the Baha'is may have been the largest single Iranian group
committed to constitutionalism and representative government, although
their quietism and opposition to violence distinguished them from the
revolutionaries. Third, the cosmopolitan outlook of the Baha'is
encouraged them to establish links with Europe, learn languages, and
engage in global commerce. In joining the comprador bourgeoisie,
however, the Baha'i mercantile clans differed little from other Iranian
merchants, including the Shi'ites (a point Peter Smith has made). Still,
the conservative Iranian elite formed an image of the Baha'is as social
radicals, political progressives, and cultural traitors.
The Shi'ite clergy, on the other hand, saw the Baha'is as a dangerous
heresy. Baha'is denied the clerical doctrine that God would send no
prophets after Muhammad. They believed the Quran had been abrogated in
favour of Baha'u'llah's Most Holy Book ( M-Kitab M-Aqdas). They
developed their own distinctive rituals. Baha'is allowed their women an
active role in society and did not believe in veiling or seclusion. They
also denied important Muslim principles such as the legitimacy of holy
war. Moreover, the Baha'is tended to question the need for a clergy in
view of the spread of literacy, and these views threatened the very
existence of a clerical class in Iran.
Government or clerical persecution of Baha'is, in addition to or in
conjunction with lynch mobs, became a fairly common feature of Baha'i
life in Iran. During Baha'u'llah's lifetime important instances of
persecution occurred in Isfahan in 1874 and 1880, in Tehran in 1882-83.
and in Yazd in 1891. In 1903 Shi'ite mobs conducted major pogroms
against Baha'is in Rasht. Isfahan and Yazd. The advent of the
modernising and secularising Pahlavi monarchy (1926-78) only slightly
improved the position of most Baha'is. who still had to subsist in a
hostile Shi'ite civil society. Indeed, Reza Shah launched his own
crackdown on Baha'is in the late 1930s as a part of his general
totalitarian programme. Muhammad Reza Shah for a time countenanced a
brutal nationwide pogram against Baha'is in 1955, led by the Shi'ite
clergy and their supporters in the parliament and armed forces. No
Iranian government, in contrast to. say, Pakistan, ever recognised
freedom of conscience or freedom of religion for Baha'is.
In the twentieth century the nature of Baha'i leadership changed
greatly. After the charismatic ministries of 'Abdu'l-Baha (1892-1921)
and Shoghi Effendi Rabbani ( 1921- 57), the Baha'is in 1963 elected a
lay world governing body called the Universal House of Justice, in
accordance with Baha'u'llah's instructions. The Baha'i faith became a
mass movement among peasants in South America, Africa, and especially
India from the late 1950s and early 1960s. Well-organised communities
developed in most of the world's non-communist nations, and globally
Balla'is came to number some 4.5 million by 1988, according to the
Encyclopaedia Britannica.
The intensity of persecution under Khomeini stands in contrast to
anything Iranian Baha'is have ever seen before, taking on an almost
Kafkaesque ambience. Shi'ite clerics accused Baha'is who helped conduct
Baha'i marriages of spreading prostitution, since they saw these
marriages as illegitimate. They accused Baha'is who attended religious
conferences in New Delhi or London of spying for imperialist powers.
They branded Baha'is who donated funds to their headquarters in Israel
Zionist supporters, even though none of this money in any way benefited
the host country (a similar disapproval would not attach to the donation
of funds to Arab Muslim causes in Israel). They arrested hundreds of
Baha'i physicians, civil servants, university professors, merchants, and
students. Some were simply made to disappear. Others they had tortured
and executed. They asked bereaved families to bear the costs of the
execution. Only in late 1988 did this oppression ease up. They
expropriated Baha'i properties, along with pension funds and children's
bank accounts. Forced apostasies became common. They denied Baha'is
ration cards, and refused their children admission to state schools and
universities. They forbade them to leave the country. Although a couple
of hundred executions and several times that many jailings do not
constitute genocide, these actions aimed at the Baha'i community's
extirpation in the long term.
Since the actual accusations against the Baha'is seem rather bizarre,
many have searched for the latent reasons for their prsecution.
Anti-Baha'ism in Iran might best be compared to antiSemitism in Europe.
Like the Jews, the Baha'is are seen to smbolise threatening aspects of
modernity. They are caricatured as corrupt financiers and as rootless
cosmopolitans easily tempted into spying and treason for foreign powers.
They adopt modern education and modern science with alacrity, producing
large numbers of intellectuals, physicians, engineers and business
people. If modernity menaces Iran's identity, they are surely
accomplices. Indeed, the Iranian revolution in part constituted a
struggle between the Shi'ite bazaar with its 'old' classes of petty
commodity producers and marketers on the one hand, and on the other the
new bourgeoisie and professional classes. Although Baha'is had more
involvement in the petty commodity sector than is usually recognised,
Iranians had formed an image of them as bourgeois.
Beyond the economic factors, Baha'is are, in the Shi'ite view, heretics.
Just as the Jews denied central Christian doctrines, so the Baha'is
introduced innovations into Muslim belief. Although they accepted that
Moses, Jesus, and Muhammad had all been prophets, they refused to see in
Muhammad the last prophet (and their universalism caused them to accept
Krishna and Buddha, as well). They practised new rituals, and were seen
to threaten the purity and modesty of Muslim women. Worst of all, they
denied the authority of the Shi'ite jurisprudents. The current state is
based precisely on the guardianship of society by the clergy, as
deputies of the absent Twelfth Imam. To assert that the Twelfth Imam has
already come, and has abrogated Islam, is ideologically to challenge the
very foundations of the government. The caricatures and stereotypes hid
the reality, that Baha'is constituted a mostly working- and middle-class
community, consisting largely of law-abiding citizens with an unusual
consciousness of global issues.
Baha'is' pacifism, belief in parliamentary democracy, commitment to
religious universalism and toleration, and assertion of the
compatibility of religion and modern science, all position them to play
a role in the Third World similar to that attributed by Hugh
Trevor-Roper to the Arminians in early modern Europe of nurturing the
freedom of conscience necessary to the development of modern science and
political society. Their grassroots commitment to seeing the emergence
of a strong federal world government that could help prevent wars
between nations marks them as a visionary group, perhaps as prophets. At
least in Iran. they are Certainly without honour.
FOR FURTHER READING:
'Abdu'l Baha. The Secret of Divine Civilization. tr. M. Gall (Baha'i
Publishing Trust. 1957): Baha'u'llah. Tablets of Baha'u'llah Revealed
after the Kitab-i-Aqdas ( Baha'i World Centre. 1978 ): Mangol Bayat,
Mysticism and Dissent: Socioreligious Thought in Qajar Iran (Syracuse
University Press. 1982); E.G. Browne. Selections from the Writings of
E.G. Browne on the Babi and Bahaii Religions, ed. M. Momen (George
Ronald, 1988); Moojan Momen. The Babi and Baha'i Religions 1844-1944:
Some Contemporary Western Accounts (George Ronald, 1981); Peter Smith,
The Babi and Baha'i Religions: From Messianic Shi'ism to a World
Religion (Cambridge University Press, 1987).
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): The opening verses of Hidden Words - the Persian
text of Baha'u'llah's most significant publication; his writings
throughout advocated a syncretic approach to religion and a liberal
progressive one to political and social questions.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): The most recent Baha'i 'House of Worship', opened
in New Delhi, India, in 1986, testifying to the continued vigour of the
sect.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): Nasiru'd-Din, Shah of Iran 1848-96, and
persecutor both of the Babis and the followers of Baha'u'llah.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): Abdu'l-Baha - son of Baha'u'llah and world leader
of the Baha'i community from 1892 to 1921.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): The first Baha'i 'House of Worship' opened in
Ishqabad in Russian Turkistan in 1902. The house was confiscated and
eventually demolished by the Soviet authorities in 1928; the community
was once again recognised last year.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): Friends and companions of Baha'ull'ah - a
photograph taken during his exile in Adrianople where he experienced
consistent harassment and pressure from the Ottoman authorities.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): 'The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the
church' - a young Baha'i, Bedi, who carried Baha'u'llah's letter to the
shah, in chains before his torture and murder, 1870.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): Girl students at the Baha'i school in Teheran, in
the 1930s - it was closed as part of Reza Shah's clampdown shortly
afterwards and has never re-opened.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): The shrine of the Bab, on Mount Carmel, Haifa,
where Baha'u'llah died in 1892.
~~~~~~~~
By Juan Cole
Juan Cole is Assistant Professor of Modern Middie Eastern History at the
University of Michigan and the author of Northern Indian Shi'ism in Iran
and Iraq: Religion and State in Awadh, 1722-1859 (University of
California Press, 1988).
©Copyright 1990, History Today
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