Statement by Dr. Firuz Kazemzadeh before the Subcommittee on
International Operations and Human Rights of the House International
Relations Committee
June 16, 1998
THE STATUS OF BAHÁ'ÍS IN IRAN
Good morning. I am Firuz Kazemzadeh, professor emeritus of history
at Yale University and Secretary for External Affairs of the National
Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís of the United States,
the national governing body of the 130,000-member American
Bahá'í community.
It gives me great pleasure to convey to the subcommittee the gratitude
of the American Bahá'í community for the unfailing
leadership of the US Congress in championing the rights of the oppressed
Bahá'í religious minority in Iran. The chairman and the
ranking minority member of this subcommittee, Representatives Christopher
Smith and Tom Lantos, have been instrumental in the passage since 1982 of
seven Congressional Resolutions calling for the emancipation of the Iranian
Bahá'í community.
Following the Islamic revolution in Iran dozens of Bahá'ís
were being attacked and executed every year and hundreds were being jailed
and tortured. Together with annual resolutions by the UN Commission on
Human Rights and the UN General Assembly condemning Iran's treatment of
the Bahá'ís, the Congressional resolutions cast a spotlight
of international censure on the Iranian regime and helped to dissuade it
from continuing the bloody pogrom against the Bahá'ís.
The status of the Bahá'ís in Iran is
unambiguous. Classified as "unprotected
infidels," the approximately 300,000 members
of the Bahá'í Faith have no legal rights.
Killing a Bahá'í does not constitute
homicide. A Bahá'í may not legally enforce a
contract, inherit property, be employed by
the government, collect pensions earned over
a lifetime of service, or attend
universities. Bahá'ís are routinely jailed
and their personal properties are
confiscated. A secret government document
published in 1993 by the UN Commission on
Human Rights confirms that anti-Bahá'í
actions are part of the Iranian government's
deliberate policy. Produced by Iran's
Supreme Revolutionary Cultural Council and
endorsed by the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah
Khamenei, this "blueprint" sets forth
guidelines for dealing with "the Bahá'í
question" so that the Bahá'ís' "progress and
development shall be blocked."
Executions, Death Sentences and Imprisonments
Since 1979 more than 200 Bahá'ís have been
killed and fifteen Bahá'í leaders have
disappeared and are presumed dead. As of
today sixteen Bahá'ís are in prison because
of their religion. Four of the prisoners are
on death row, two of them on charges of
apostasy. Arbitrary arrests occur regularly
in many parts of the country. In the last
three years some 200 Bahá'ís have been
detained for periods ranging from
forty-eight hours to six months in cities
such as Yazd, Esfahan, Semnan, Babol,
Kermanshah, Mashhad, Shiraz, Tankabon,
Ahvaz, Kerman, Karaj, and Tehran.
It has been apparent for some time that the
authorities have adopted a strategy of
focussing their efforts, successively, on
Bahá'í communities in different parts of the
country, in order to determine forms of
pressure that may succeed in intimidating
their members and suffocating the religion's
spiritual life. Currently, the province of
Khorasan, of which Mashhad is the capital,
has become the focal point of this campaign.
Of the sixteen Bahá'ís now in prison, ten
are from Khorasan and, of those, seven are
from Mashhad. Of particular concern
currently is the situation of Mr. Ruhollah
Rohani who has been in prison in Mashhad
since September 1997 without permission for
relatives to visit him. His fate is not clear.
Recent events in Khorasan
On May 1, 1998 authorities in Mashhad
surrounded and raided the home of a Bahá'í
family where a class for youth was being
held. The teacher, Mrs. Sonia Ahmadi, and
the owner of the house, Mr. Manuchehr Ziai,
along with twelve students aged fifteen and
sixteen, were arrested and detained for one
week. They were hastily sentenced without
having the chance to engage a lawyer. Mrs.
Ahmadi and Mr. Ziai were sentenced to three
years' imprisonment while the twelve
students were released on parole, having
been given, despite their age, suspended
sentences of five years' imprisonment to be
activated should they ever again commit the
"crime" of taking part in Bahá'í moral
education classes.
In Birjand Mr. Jamaleddin Hajipur and Mr.
Mansur Mehrabi (a.k.a. Mansur Mehrabkhani)
were arrested last year and sentenced
without charges to two years' imprisonment
and confiscation of their property. They
appealed, and the Court of Appeals returned
an extraordinary verdict confirming the
lower court's sentence. The Appeals Court
stated that "Baha'ism is recognized as an
illegal organization," thus making a mockery
of the Iranian government's claim that
Bahá'ís retain their right to the observance
of their religious beliefs.
The verdict brought against the defendants
mentions that they have "regularly been
holding Š meetings on 'Bahá'í Life',"
adducing such activities as evidence of
criminal behavior, including "espionage" for
the state of Israel. It is startling that
the court judgement accepts as evidence of
illegal activity such actions as holding
classes for Bahá'í youth in the English
language, science, and technology. The
verdict also notes, without embarrassment on
the part of the Iranian judicial
authorities, that the two men carried out
these activities "with the intention of
improving the standard of education of
Bahá'í students and their families." The
context in which the court decision should
be seen is that the Iranian regime has
excluded Bahá'ís from higher education
solely on the grounds of their religious
affiliation.
No change in situation since the election of President Khatami
We have been asked whether there have been
any changes in the attitude of the
government towards Iran's Bahá'í citizens
since President Khatami took office. We
regret that, despite our initial hopes,
events such as those mentioned above
demonstrate that there has been no
discernible improvement. The recent events
in Mashhad may, indeed, indicate an
intensification of efforts to terrorize and
intimidate the community.
For a Western mind it is difficult to
understand why a regime which is gradually
permitting a degree of pluralism in
political and social life should be bent on
suppressing an apolitical minority that
threatens no one or to understand why other
voices in Iran's political spectrum would
likewise be unwilling to grant even minimal
civil rights to Iran's Bahá'í citizens. The
explanation lies in the sinister interaction
of political opportunism and unexamined
religious prejudice that determine all
aspects of this matter.
The current circumstances should be seen in
the context of the unique nature of the
persecution to which Iranian Bahá'ís have
been subjected for over a century. The
Iranian Bahá'í community has frequently
served as a scapegoat used by various
factions struggling for political
ascendancy. This has been the case
regardless of the changes in political or
dynastic regimes. Whenever political leaders
have felt a need to divert public attention
from some economic, social, or political
issue, they have found the Bahá'í community
an easy target because of the senseless
hostility and prejudice inculcated in the
public by generations of ecclesiastical
propaganda.
Only two weeks ago the Iranian state news
agency cited a 1986 declaration made by
Al-Azhar University in Cairo, the most
prestigious educational institution in the
Muslim world, to the effect that "any Muslim
adopting the faith of Bahaism would be
considered an apostate." The news article
stated that the Bahá'í Faith "is false and
it has nothing to do with Islam, or even
with Judaism or Christianity."
Earlier this year a committee of senior
clerics in Saudi Arabia issued a religious
decree, or fatwa, repudiating the concept of
"the unity of religions" and rejecting the
idea that different religions may co-exist
as equals. The fatwa states that "there
exists no true religion on earth except
Islam. All previous religions are abrogated,
and those people who follow any religion but
Islam are not acceptable in the sight of
God." And further, "Muhammad is the last
Prophet, and there is no other Prophet to
follow Muhammad, who is the Prophet for the
entire human race."
The belief that Muhammad was the last
prophet of God and that with him divine
revelation came to an end underlies the
continued persecution of the Bahá'ís in Iran
in spite of the Bahá'í acknowledgement of
the divine origin of Islam and other
religions. The Government of Iran has
repeatedly stated that the Bahá'í Faith is
not a religion but a political conspiracy.
To recognize the Bahá'í Faith as a religion
would, therefore, be tantamount to denying
the principles of Islam as understood by its
clerical hierarchies.
Continued international pressure is
essential to the protection of the Bahá'í
community
To sum up, we see no evidence of a change in
policy toward Iran's Bahá'í minority. The
Bahá'ís in that country continue to be
denied jobs, education, and access to many
state services, solely because of their
religious affiliation. They are outside the
rule of law and are not protected under the
constitution. Their homes and properties are
randomly expropriated. They continue to be
imprisoned and mistreated in an effort to
compel them to recant their faith and to
convert to Islam. There is no evidence that
the secret plan adopted by the Supreme
Revolutionary Cultural Council for the
extermination of the Bahá'í community has
been abrogated or withdrawn.
The 1997 UN General Assembly resolution on human rights in Iran, calling
for the emancipation of the Bahá'í community, offers the
clearest expression of what the international community expects of the
Iranian authorities. Any relaxation of pressure in the Bahá'í
case or any omission of reference to it in UN resolutions would have
the inevitable effect of encouraging factions within the regime to
compete with one another in demonstrating their determination to root
out "the Bahá'í heresy." The effect would be to jeopardize
the achievements of the international community, first of all the United
States, in protecting the beleaguered Bahá'ís from the most
brutal forms of repression.
It is not the actions of the Bahá'ís but the circumstances
of Iranian history that have conspired to make "the Bahá'í
case" a litmus test of sincerity for Iranian public figures who represent
themselves as voices of reform and progress.
We call upon the Government of the United States to continue playing
a primary role in defending the principles of religious freedom and
all human rights throughout the world.
©Copyright 1998 The National Spiritual Assembly of the
Bahá'ís of the United States.
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