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2001, Volume 4, Number 8
IRAN Report
THE THINGS THAT MATTER IN THE ELECTIONS. Iran is scheduled to have a
presidential election in four months, and candidates must be registered
within two and a half months. But beyond those more or less fixed points,
much about the election remains uncertain, including what it will mean for
that country and the world. Many factors, some obvious, some obscure, are
going to play a role. Each of them is reviewed below. But because this algebra
contains so many unknowns, the product of these factors remains far from clear.
THE MEDIA. One factor that could have a tremendous impact on the election
is media outlets. Since April 2000, almost 40 Iranian publications -- in
Tehran and in the provinces -- have been closed, and an untold number of
journalists has had to appear in court. Indeed, Reporters Sans Frontiers wrote
on 14 February that Iran now is the biggest prison for journalists in the
world. Many other publications have received warnings for crossing the
invisible "red lines." The majority of banned publications support Iranian
reformists, although others seem quite benign.
State radio and television (IRIB, Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting)
is very conservative and its reporting about candidate Mohammad Khatami in
1997 was quite unfavorable. The current parliament tried to slash the IRIB's
share of the state budget, but the conservative Guardians Council, which must
approve all legislation, rejected this proposal. After arbitration by the
Expediency Council, parliament restored the originally proposed budget of 320
billion rials in place of the 220 billion rials it had first approved.
Beleaguered domestic journalists include Zahedan journalists Davud
Allahverdi, Dariush Imani, and Mohammad Bazgir, who received prison
sentences ranging from three months to five-and-a-half months for
publishing a slanderous article, newspapers reported on 25 February.
Also, Reza Alijani, editor of the banned "Iran-e Farda" journal, was
arrested on the orders of the Revolutionary Court, according to a 24
February IRNA report.
The trial of journalist Ahmad Zeidabadi started on 21 February. He is
charged with insulting Father of the Revolution Ayatollah Ruhollah
Khomeini and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, publishing lies, and
harming national security. Mohammad Baqer Vali-Beik, general manager of
the Jameh-yi Ruz publishing house, was released on 200 million rials
bail on 18 February, having been arrested a week earlier. Abbas Dalvand,
publisher of the weekly "Luristan," was released after posting 100
billion rials in bail, IRNA reported on 18 February. He faces complaints
by the Guardians Council, the IRGC, and security forces. "Fath"
journalist Fariba Davudi-Mohadjer was taken into custody by the
Revolutionary Court, "Hambastegi" reported on 18 February.
Farideh Saber, the wife of jailed journalist Hoda Saber, was warned
that she would be arrested if she spoke with a foreign radio station
about her husband's case. Mrs. Saber told RFE/RL's Persian
Service that in her response she said she was only reporting the facts,
and it was the only thing she could do to help her husband. She has
spoken with him one time since his arrest in late January but she does
not know where he is because he has been taken to an unknown location.
The Prisons Organization denies holding Saber, she added, and the only
answer she has heard is that "he is under this blue sky."
On 25 February, the Revolutionary Court in Zahedan revoked the
publishing license of "Ruzdara" daily for its publication of a
slanderous article. "Pahlavan," "Avay-i Malayer," "Neday-i Saveh," and
"Payam-i Shomal" received warnings from the Press Supervisory Board on
12 February, and the cases of "Pahlavan" and "Avay-i Malayer" have been
referred to the Press Court, IRNA reported. Some new publications will
emerge soon. The conservative "Siyasat" weekly is to become a daily
after the Iranian New Year, and the State Prisons Organization's
"Hemayat" weekly has begun publication, "Aftab-i Yazd" reported on 19
February. The Press Supervisory Board issued licenses for two
newspapers: "Didar," with Abbas Salimi Namin as managing director, and
"Noruz," with Mohsen Mirdamadi Najafabadi as managing director.
In this atmosphere, the public will be hungry for unbiased news and
is likely to turn to foreign radio stations. Before the February 2000
parliamentary election the Iranian government jammed Persian language
broadcasts by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, the Voice of America, and
the BBC. A new round of jamming thus appears extremely likely,
especially in light of a 13 February statement by Supreme Leader
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei that "the political and security organs which are
against the Islamic Republic political system in America and Europe all
emphasize in their statements, and in the broadcasts of the radio
stations they fund, that their efforts are aimed at countering our
political system. The other day, I accidentally heard this myself, while
listening to one of these radio stations..."
Law Enforcement Forces Commander Brigadier General Mohammad Qalibaf,
furthermore, said that foreign radios were behind a 10 February
demonstration in Tehran. "A number of those who had been provoked by
foreign radios, such as Radio Liberty, had congregated in the park." The
accusations against RFE/RL are completely inaccurate, but the complaints
about foreign radios highlight the regime's fear of unbiased news
sources. (Bill Samii)
THE ISSUES. For most Iranians, the economy is a central issue.
Political conservatives have hammered President Mohammad Khatami's
administration about the country's economic problems -- inflation is
at an estimated 20 percent ("Iran News," 22 February). But not all of
the current problems are Khatami's fault. During its first two
years, his administration faced a conservative parliament. Moreover, the
laws affecting foreign investment, state industries, and the
economy's structure have been in place for many years. Regulations
restricting the import of some goods or limiting the domestic production
of other goods often favor highly-placed officials or their
well-connected patrons. Official corruption can be seen in this context,
and public resentment of it could also play a role in the election.
Iran's estimated 25 percent unemployment rate affects everybody
and students are especially worried about it. As journalist Afshin
Molavi noted during a presentation at the Woodrow Wilson Center in
Washington, "There are some broad trends which are easily detectable for
anyone who travels in Iran except for the willfully blind. One thing is
the issue of jobs, because across socio-economic sectors in Iran, among
Iranian youth, the issue of jobs is at the top of their list of
grievances." Young people wondering what they will do when they finish
their educations, civil servants moonlighting as taxi drivers, working
mothers -- they all realize that they are facing serious problems and
they hope for some sort of improvement.
Political freedom is another important concern. For one segment of
society, this involves issues like press freedom, free elections, and
judicial and parliamentary independence. For another, it involves
superficially more mundane matters like going to a party, listening to
music, or walking with a friend of the opposite sex without being
harassed by the authorities and self-appointed vigilantes.
Foreign policy is unlikely to figure as a major issue, although some
conservatives may try to portray reformist leaders as pro-American, as
happened when Mohammad Reza Khatami appeared in Qom recently. Nor is it
unlikely that some candidates will try to place the blame for the
country's problems on foreign machinations.
But one aspect of foreign affairs that could have an impact in the election
is the degree of insecurity -- kidnappings, smuggling, murders -- along the
eastern border. This is routinely blamed on foreigners -- Afghans specifically
-- but conservative newspapers regularly condemn the Interior Ministry for its
failure to restore order in Khorasan, and to a lesser degree, in Kerman and
Sistan va Baluchistan provinces. (Bill Samii)
ELECTION SUPERVISION. All too obviously, those who run the elections are
likely to play a major role in the outcome reported. The pro-reform
Interior Ministry handles most aspects of the election at the provincial
and local levels. But the hard-line Guardians Council supervises the
elections and vets candidates. The council has declared its intention to
set up local supervisory bodies for this election, and the Guardians
Council's decision not to computerize the vote-counting process
inevitably increases the potential for fraud.
In past elections, these two bodies have clashed, and the battle
between them started early this time. The reformist parliament initially
refused to comply with the Guardians Council's budget demands for
election supervision. This issue bounced between the legislature, the
Guardians Council, and the Expediency Council until they reached a
compromise -- funding set at 12 billion rials was increased by 500,000
rials -- and the council approved the budget. Meanwhile, the head of the
election headquarters, Mustafa Tajzadeh, and Tehran Governor Ayatollah
Azarmi, are facing trials at the hands of the hard-line Judiciary.
Possibly in an effort at intimidation, the courts have summoned a
number of reformist parliamentarians and provincial officials. The most
recent ones to be called into court are Sanandaj representative Jalal
Jalalizadeh, Tehran representative Mohsen Mirdamadi, and Ali Mohammad
Qaribani of Ardabil, Nayyer, and Namin, as well as Kurdistan Province
Governor General Abdullah Ramazanzadeh. Reformist parliamentarians now
are trying to pass legislation guaranteeing their immunity, and if they
succeed, these officials would be able to speak their minds and
cooperate with the next administration with less fear of retribution.
Hussein Loqmanian, a deputy who was detained recently, warned on 18
February that the parliament should not become a place of
authoritarianism and the repeated summonses impinge on people's
rights, "Hayat-i No" reported the next day.
There are other efforts to control outspoken parliamentarians as well.
Mashhad deputy Gholamreza Tavakoli said that the Guardians Council is
planning to oversee parliamentarians during their term of office and it will
have the power to dismiss them, the "Tehran Times" reported on 17 February.
An editorial by Hussein Shariatmadari of "Kayhan" endorsed the idea of a
parliamentary court, prompting an official complaint from the parliament that
publications like "Kayhan" are insulting the public by implying that its
elected representatives should be dismissed. (Bill Samii)
PARTY ACTIVITIES AND ENDORSEMENTS. Discussing how parties will bring added
dynamism to Iranian politics, Deputy Minister of Intelligence and Security
Hojatoleslam Baqeri recently said that "political activists should agree
on principles, values, and criteria so that the arena of political
competition will be immune of extremism, violation of laws, toeing the
enemies' objectives, jeopardizing security, and demagoguery." There
are 120 political parties, associations of political activists, and
other social groups in the Islamic Republic, but few of them are active
due to financial or procedural difficulties, according to Javad Etaat of
parliament's Article 10 Committee, which deals with licensing
parties. As part of the new budget, the parliament wanted to provide
parties with 50 billion rials, which prompted complaints from
conservative observers who feared that the pro-Khatami Interior Ministry
would channel the funds to reform-oriented parties. The Guardians
Council objected to this proposal, IRNA reported on 11 February.
Individual parties usually form coalitions to focus either on single
issues or on promoting candidates in elections. At the time of the
February 2000 parliamentary election, the coalitions could be classified
as "reformists" and "conservatives." But that may not be true or at
least not so simply true this time around. In late December and early
January of this year, it became apparent that a new political current
was flowing away from the right wing. The extreme positions of the
Islamic Coalition Association apparently had gone too far for other
conservatives, who fear completely alienating the public. These
ideological differences were seen in mid-February, when hard-line
clerics and students in Qom demonstrated against the conservative
"Entekhab" newspaper for its promotion of the "new religious thinking"
and its condemnation of hard-line extremism.
There has been discord in the reform coalition as well, and Mohammad
Reza Khatami, the Iranian president's brother and secretary-general
of the Islamic Iran Participation Party, described the disagreements as
"fundamental," according to the 20 February "Iran News."
In recent weeks, several parties and political groups have announced
whom they support. The Islamic Iran Participation Party announced on 16
February that President Khatami is its official candidate. A party
spokesman said that during the election, the focus would be on the
issues, rather than the candidate. Abbas Abdi added, "By supporting
Khatami, we are supporting reforms, because we believe that the reforms
can help save the regime."
The leading reformist student group, the Office for Strengthening
Unity (Daftar-i Tahkim-i Vahdat), announced on 12 February that it will
support Khatami's candidacy. "Iran" reported. In late January,
several reformist groups -- the Militant Clerics Association (Majma-yi
Ruhaniyun-i Mobarez), the Islamic Society of Engineers, and the
Association of Past and Present Majlis Deputies -- announced their
support for Khatami's candidacy. According to Gilan Province's
deputy governor of political and security affairs, Ali Baqeri, the real
question is whether or not Khatami will stand as a candidate, because if
he does the reform parties will have no choice but to support him,
"Hayat-i No" reported on 14 January.
Other groups that might be expected to support Khatami appear to be
holding out their support in exchange for places in the administration.
Gorgan deputy Qorban Ali Qandahari, who heads the 50-member Islamic
Solidarity Party faction in parliament, told the 18 January "Entekhab"
that Khatami should involve all parties and regions in his second
cabinet. It was around that time that new cabinet members were being
considered. Qaemshahr deputy Vali Raiat said representatives from
Iran's northern provinces (Gilan, Mazandaran, Gulistan) were
dissatisfied that Khatami had not appointed even one of their proposed
choices, "Iran News" reported on 10 January, adding that deputies from
some provinces think that certain areas get "preferential treatment when
it comes to choosing cabinet members."
Young Iranians voted for Khatami in large numbers in 1997, when the
minimum voting age was 15. It seems less likely that he will carry the
youth vote so easily this time. On the one hand, the voting age was
raised to 16 before the 2000 parliamentary election. And on the other,
according to Afshin Molavi, "President Khatami's original promise
and, originally, the way he was treated as a rock star and sort of as a
messiah figure, has rapidly dwindled and I think Iranian youth are
looking for new heroes to look up to now." (Bill Samii)
THE CLERGY. Friday Prayers are held in 420 locations, and although
the size of the congregations is falling, it is clear that the
endorsement of the higher clergy and seminaries will carry some weight
with conservative voters. "The Wall Street Journal Europe" noted on 13
February that support is waning for what some see as a parasitic class,
but the clergy's influence persists: students wrote to seminarians
in late January and urged the clerics to condemn the Judiciary's
politicization. Their letter went on to ask, "Why is it that those who
speak for reforms are put in chains and prison?" And on 7 February
Interior Minister Abdolvahed Musavi-Lari went to Qom to discuss the
upcoming election with Grand Ayatollahs Nasser Makarem-Shirazi, Yusef
Sanei, Safi-Golpayegani, and Mohammad Taqi Bahjat.
Ayatollah Seyyed Hussein Musavi-Tabrizi declared that the Qom
seminaries respect Khatami and he is influential there, the "Tehran
Times" reported on 21 February. Ayatollah Seyyed Mohammad
Musavi-Bojnurdi declared on 1 February that he approved of Khatami "100
percent, because he is following the line of Imam [Khomeini]." Other
seminarians have been relatively quiet on election issues and may wait
until May, when the Guardians Council announces the eligible candidates.
There is some speculation that the clerics will not endorse any
candidates this time. The clerics did not support any candidates before
the 1997 election, but waited until the Supreme Leader told them to
endorse the conservative choice. (Bill Samii)
THE CANDIDATES. Who Iranians vote for depends on who actually stands
in the election. Khatami, after saying in July 2000 that he would stand
in the election, is now being coy about his candidacy, possibly because
of the limited powers he actually has. Some reports suggest that he has
set out conditions if he is to run for office (see "RFE/RL Iran Report,"
31 July 2000 and 19 February 2001). If Khatami decides not to stand,
then this election really could be an open race.
Other individuals have been named as possible candidates, the most
recent one being former Minister of Intelligence and Security Ali-Akbar
Fallahian-Khuzestani, for whom there is an international arrest warrant
outstanding. Fallahian failed to get elected in the most recent
parliamentary election, and when Kermanshah deputy Ismail Tatari, who
also is a presidential candidate, was asked how many votes Fallahian
would get, he responded, "I don't talk behind anybody's back!"
Also, Parviz Varjavand of the National Front has offered to run if
Khatami does not do so. Assadollah Badamchian of the Islamic Coalition
Association; Islamic Azad University head Abdullah Jasbi; Expediency
Council secretary Mohsen Rezai; and Tehran University law lecturer
Mahmud Kashani may stand in the election, too, according to the 20
February "Entekhab." Former president Ali-Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani is
being encouraged to run again, although his disastrous showing in the
Tehran parliamentary race last February might dissuade him. (Bill Samii)
A NOTE OF CAUTION ABOUT CONCLUSIONS. Discussion of these various factors
might appear to suggest that Iran has a real and functioning democracy in
which the people's vote really matters. Compared to its neighbors, Iran can
make some claim to being a democracy -- at least in some of the forms it
uses. But most political decision-making still occurs behind the scenes,
a situation compounded by the absence of a free press or open media. And
because Iran's political system allows one man to overturn the ideas
and efforts of the people's representatives -- something that this
round of elections does not appear likely to change -- it is far from
clear not only who will be elected but what any election in Iran under
current conditions will in fact mean. (Bill Samii)
SHOWING CONTEMPT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS. Tehran again demonstrated its utter lack
of respect for international human rights standards and its gross attempts
at the manipulation of international organizations during the third week of
February. The Islamic Republic hosted the Asian Preparatory Meeting for
the World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia,
and Related Intolerance. And UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary
Robinson's presence lent credibility to the same government that has
not permitted her special representative, Maurice Copithorne, to visit
Iran since 1996. But while the conference was about tolerance, the
Iranian hosts forced female guests who did not wish to cover their hair
to do so and to apologize for their own beliefs.
According to a 21 February UN statement, Robinson "expressed her
dismay" that the Simon Wiesenthal Center and the Bahai International
Community were not allowed to attend. She met with Judiciary chief
Ayatollah Mahmud Shahrudi on 20 February, and she said that she had
spoken about the arrests of reformists and students, as well as the July
1999 attack on Tehran University. Shahrudi responded that UN reports
detailing human rights violations in Iran are "politically influenced
and biased and not based on truth prevailing in the country."
German Bundestag President Wolfgang Thierse was in Tehran too, and he
said on 19 February that he and his Iranian counterparts should be able
to discuss human rights issues. President Mohammad Khatami told Thierse
that he opposed the use of human rights issues for political means, and
the Iranian leader insisted that cooperation between Iran and other
countries should be based on mutual respect.
A 20 February commentary on Iranian state radio dismissed the
"irresponsible statements" by Robinson and Thierse. "Iranian and Western
elites, legal experts, and thinkers" should meet, state radio said, so
the Westerners can learn about Iran's rules and regulations and so
that "European officials [will not] be influenced by the insinuations of
Zionist circles, which are involved in conducting a propaganda campaign,
and that they will not make statements which are tantamount to
interfering in Iran's internal affairs." The commentary concluded by
saying that "the human rights issue is being used as an instrument and
certain powers are taking political advantage of that instrument in
order to interfere in the affairs of other countries and stage a show of
force."
Indeed, at the 19 February opening session of the conference, Iranian
Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi said Zionism is a "vivid example of
racism and racial superiority" and he called for "concerted
international action aiming at confronting crimes perpetrated by
Zionists in the occupied territories."
Meanwhile, several Tehran dailies -- the "Tehran Times," "Resalat,"
and "Kayhan" -- complained that some women at the conference did not
cover their hair, and "Resalat" referred to a convention of "women
without hijab," IRNA reported on 21 February. Foreign Minister Kharrazi
said that the guests were told beforehand that they must observe Iranian
regulations, and although some flouted the regulations, they covered up
when ordered to do so.
The women from various non-governmental organizations said in an open
letter faxed to AFP, "we wish to express our grave concern regarding the
agreement reached between the UN, especially the office of the UN High
Commissioner on Human Rights...with regard to the imposition of a dress
code on women from the Asia-Pacific region attending this meeting. We
find that the imposition of a dress code on women participants at this
NGO forum constitutes an invasion of privacy, a denial of dignity and of
our right to choose," the fax continued, and it expressed concern that
Robinson did not negotiate for the conference to be held in a "space
free of all forms of discrimination and respected cultural diversity"
devoid of "intolerance." (Bill Samii)
TEHRAN CRITICIZES U.S.-U.K. STRIKES AGAINST IRAQ. The Iranian government and
media have reacted negatively to the 16 February bombing of Iraqi
communications and air defense sites by U.S. and British aircraft. Speaker of
Parliament Hojatoleslam Mehdi Karrubi said on 18 February that "any attack
against a Muslim country by the U.S. is unacceptable, including Friday's
attack against Baghdad," according to DPA. Iranian Foreign Ministry
spokesman Hamid Reza Assefi said on 19 February that "we regret the
carnage of innocent Iraqi and we condemn it," IRNA reported on 19 February.
Hamas, which is sponsored by Iran, released a statement on 17
February which said that "Hamas condemns this American, British
aggression and calls for Arab and Islamic nations to take a condemnatory
stand and support the Iraqi people and their right to live in
independence and peace." It commented on the timing, saying the raids
occurred at the same time as the "Zionist entity's continued
aggression against the Palestinian people."
State radio said on 17 February that over 50 aircraft (the Pentagon
said 24) had attacked the sites near Baghdad in what amounted to a
message, although it did not say what the message was, and the attack
should be assessed as "America's warmongering and crisis-making
policy in the region." State radio complained later in the day that the
decision to strike was arrived at hastily because none of America's
European allies, except the United Kingdom, were informed beforehand. It
added that the airstrikes intentionally preceded U.S. Secretary of State
Colin Powell's visit to the region, that the strikes were meant to
divert attention away from events in Israel, and that they were intended
as a message that President George W. Bush intended to finish what his
father had started -- namely the overthrow of Saddam Hussein.
"Political observers believe that the intention was to create a calm
atmosphere that will allow the new Zionist leaders to form a united
cabinet, overcome domestic political obstacles, and also acquire the
necessary potential to break the Palestinian Intifada," the daily
"Afarinesh" noted on 18 February. It continued: "this is regarded as the
first great service that is being rendered by the Bush administration to
the Israeli regime only a couple of weeks after its coming to power in
Washington!" An article in the 19 February "Iran Daily" said that Iraq
is a "sick man" and wondered "what is there left to be bombed?" The
English-language newspaper ridiculed Bush's comments on Saddam
Hussein's production of weapons of mass destruction because,
according to the "Iran Daily," the U.S. "supports the last outpost of
Western imperialism in the Middle East, namely Israel, with billions of
dollars worth of weapons of mass destruction." And "Kayhan
International" commented on 22 February that the attacks show that no
matter who is in the White House, "Washington's anti-Islamic policy
remains unchanged." (Bill Samii)
TEHRAN-CAIRO RELATIONS 'STUMBLING?' Iranian Foreign Minister Kamal
Kharrazi, who is in Cairo for the summit of the Muslim Group of Eight, me
with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak on 24 February. "The talks...covered
cooperation between our two countries on an international level as well as
current economic and cultural relations," Kharrazi said later. He explained
further that "talks with President Mubarak included the issue of the
Middle East in detail. We focused on the necessity of realizing the full
rights of the Palestinian people." The next day, Egyptian Foreign
Minister Amr Musa said that both Egypt and Iran "aspire to a better
future for their relations." Musa added that "there is no valid reason
for there not to be relations between us and Iran."
On 20 February, an anonymous Iranian Foreign Ministry official had
rejected reports that Kharrazi would meet privately with Mubarak,
according to the "Tehran Times," saying that any meetings would be part
of the regular program. London's Arabic-language "Al-Sharq al-Awsat"
had reported that Kharrazi would convey a message from President
Mohammad Khatami to his Egyptian counterpart.
The indications are of improved relations between Egypt and Iran.
Unnamed Egyptian diplomatic sources, however, were cited in the 17
February edition of Abha's "Al-Watan" as saying that attempts to
normalize relations between Cairo and Tehran are "stumbling" and "thorny
files are still blocking a full normalization." Cairo opposes
Tehran's position on the Middle East Peace Process, and it views
Iranian insistence that Egypt distance itself from the Camp David
accords as unwarranted interference. The naming of a Tehran street after
Khalid Eslamboli, the assassin of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, is
aggravating the situation, the paper noted.
The G-8, consisting of Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia,
Nigeria, Pakistan, and Turkey, was founded in 1997. During the summit,
Kharrazi will discuss Iran's ideas on upgrading Muslim
countries' status in the world economy, member roles in the
international decision-making process, international peace and security,
and the promotion of international dialogue and cooperation, IRNA
reported on 19 February. Also, Tehran Mayor Morteza Alviri was in Cairo
for the ninth conference of the Organization of Islamic Capitals and
Cities (OICC), which was held from 15 to 17 February. The OICC was
founded in 1980 to help Islamic capitals in preserving their character
and heritage while upgrading public services, IRNA reported on 18
February. (Bill Samii)
©Copyright 2001, RFE/RL
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