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Abstract: Five passing references to "Bahai" — but in a statistical context only — about whether the large influx of Iranians into LA in the late 1970s added a sizeable and distinctive minority to the population of this metropolitan area. Notes: Later published under shortened title "Are the Characteristics of Exiles Different from Immigrants?" in Sociology and Social Research 71:2 (January 1987), pp. 77-82. See also Experience of Iranian Bahá'í Refugees in Atlantic Canada. Document online at sscnet.ucla.edu [archive.org]. |
Are the Characteristics of Exiles Different from Immigrants?:
The Case of Iranians in Los Angeles
by Georges Sabagh and Mehdi Bozorgmehr
published in Institute for Social Science Research Working Papers, 2:51986
About the Author.
Georges Sabagh is Professor of Sociology
and Director of the von Grunebaum Center
for Near Eastern Studies at UCLA. Mehdi
Bozorgmehr is a doctoral student in the
Department of Sociology and an affiliate
of the von Grunebaum Center.
The research described here is currently
funded under a grant from the National
Science foundation. Georges Sabagh is
Principal Investigator on the project;
Ivan Light, Professor of Sociology, UCLA
is co-Principal Investigator; and
Mehdi Bozorgmehr is Project Director,
Another version of this paper is being
published in the January, 1987 edition
of Sociology and Social Research.
This paper is one of a series presented
at the Conference on Minorities in the
Post-Industrial City, held in May, 1986
at UCLA. Ten papers from the Conference
are available through the ISSR Working
Papers Series.
INTRODUCTION
The large influx of Iranians into Los Angeles since the second half of
the 1970s has added a sizeable and distinctive minority to the population of
this metropolitan area. According to the 1980 U.S. Census, about a quarter of
the nation's Iranian population resided in Los Angeles,2 making it the largest
single concentration of Iranians in the United States. In spite of the rapid
growth of the Iranian population in Los Angeles and the U.S., published
material on this immigrant group is meager (Ansari 1977; Askari et al. 1977;
Gilanshah 1986; Iran Times 1983, 1984; Lorentz and Wertime 1980; Momeni 1984;
Moslehi 1984).
One of the distinctive features of Iranian immigration to the United
States and Los Angeles is that it occurred before and after a revolution that
altered substantially social and political conditions in Iran. It may be
argued that these two groups of immigrants had very different motives for
leaving their country, thus resulting in different statistical profiles for
each group. The later wave must have included a substantial number of politi-
cal refugees and exiles as contrasted to the earlier wave of students and eco-
nomically motivated immigrants. While Iranians who arrived in the U.S. after
the Iranian revolution were not officially admitted as "parolees" or refugees,
the lives and welfare of many of them were affected just as adversely as the
well-being of the official refugees from Cuba or Vietnam. Therefore, the
status of Iranian exiles has a sociological rather than a legal or political
basis (Suhrke 1983).
The main objective of this paper is to use the Iranian case to test
three hypotheses about the demographic, religious, and socioeconomic differ-
ences between immigrants and political refugees or exiles, which are commonly
found in the literature. These hypotheses will be tested by using data from
the 1980 U.S. Census Public Use Microdata Sample for the 1975-80 and the pre-
1975 Iranian immigrant cohorts. While the pre-1975 cohort includes mainly
Iranians who came to the United States for study, for a visit, or for work,
the 1975-80 cohort is made up of these types of immigrants as well as exiles
or political refugees who fled Iran after the 1978 revolution. Of course, if
census data were available by single year of immigration, we would have
selected instead the post-revolution period of 1978-80 and the pre-revolution
years prior to 1978. Nevertheless, because the Immigration and Naturalization
Service (INS) data indicate that over half of Iranian arrivals during 1975-80
occurred after the revolution,3 it may be assumed that half of this recent
cohort is made up of exiles or political refugees.
The differences in the demographic, social, and economic characteristics
of economic immigrants and political refugees or exiles have been discussed or
documented in a number of studies ( Bernard 1976; Fagen et al. 1968; Gaertner
1955; Nelson and Tienda 1985; Pedraza-Bailey 1985; Portes and Bach 1985; Rogg
1974). As stated by Portes and Bach (1985:73), "refugees have been described
as internally homogeneous groups, since reasons for their flight are often
linked to a common class origin, religion, or political ideology." While an
exile or refugee migration stream may be selective of only one religious,
ethnic, or political group, within that group we expect to find little selec-
tivity demographically and socioeconomically. In other words, even though a
refugee stream as whole is homogeneous with respect to a given group, within
that group we expect heterogeneity. This does not constitute a contradiction
in empirical findings as Portes and Bach (1985) appear to argue.
Our first hypothesis is that the 1975-80 immigrants include a higher
proportion of religious minorities than the pre-1975 immigrants. It is in
accordance with Kunz'(1973:139) hypothesis that in "all mass flights ethnic or
other religious minorities participate beyond their demographic proportions."
Consequently, the comparisons between cohorts should take into account the
ethno-religious identity of the immigrants. In view of the radical Islamic
nature of the Iranian revolution, political refugees and exiles must have com-
prised not only Muslim Iranians who opposed the new regime but also a large
number of non-Muslim religious minorities who feared persecution. This pattern
of selective immigration could not have occurred prior to the revolution.
Within religious minorities that are forced into exile from a country,
we would expect little demographic selectivity (Bernard 1976). Therefore, it
is likely, therefore, that a refugee stream that comprises religious minori-
ties will also be characterized by a balanced demographic structure. Conse-
quently, our second hypothesis is that the 1975-1980 cohort, composed of a
large number of refugees, is much more balanced with respect to age and sex
distribution than the pre-1975 cohort. This hypothesis pertains to the whole
immigration cohort as well as to ethno-religious groups within it.
Despite their diversity in social class origin, early waves of exiles
have higher socioeconomic status than immigrants (Fagen et al. 1968; Gaertner
1955; Peterson 1978; Rogg 1974, Stein 1981). This pattern is difficult to
ascertain because its components need to be disentangled. The use of occupa-
tion and income of exiles in the receiving country is problematic because it
is affected by the migration experience. In view of the involuntary migration
of exiles and, in some cases, the problem of compatibility of their skills to
the country of destination, they initially experience downward mobility
(Briggs 1984; Chiswick 1979; Stein 1979). Thus, data on occupation and income
of exiles in the receiving country may not accurately reflect their occupa-
tional selectivity. Using educational attainment as a proxy for social class,
however, Pedraza-Bailey (1985) shows that the Cuban exiles who immigrated
during 1960-1970 had a higher social class origin than the Cuban immigrants
who came to the U.S. in the 1945-1959 period or before the Cuban revolution.
Thus, our third hypothesis is that Iranians who arrived in 1975-80 had a
higher socioeconomic achievement than those who came before that date. This
hypothesis will be tested mainly by considering educational achievement.
Indirect evidence pertaining to this hypothesis, however, may be provided by
an analysis of U.S. Census data on occupation and income.
The analysis of data from the 1980 U.S. Census on immigration cohorts
will be preceded by a brief review of trends and types of Iranian immigration
to the United States as documented by tabulations from the INS. While these
tabulations pertain only to the United States, they also reflect immigration
trends to Los Angeles, since this metropolitan area is the favored destination
of Iranian immigrants to the United States.
Iranian Immigration Cohorts to the United States, 1950-1980
Iranian immigration to the United States is essentially a post-World
War II phenomenon which can be divided into two chronological phases or
cohorts: 1) after World War II until the Iranian revolution (1950-1977); and
2) during and after the Iranian revolution until the census year (1978-1980).
According to INS data, during the first phase (1950-1977), an average annual
of 1,515 immigrants and 17,001 nonimmigrants from Iran were admitted to the
United States (Table 1). Data on nonimmigrants provide information about
visitors and students, both common types of international migration from Iran
to the United States. This phase of Iranian emigration was triggered by Iran's
gradually recovering economy after World War II as its oil production and
revenues resumed. It coincided with the beginning of a period of direct U.S.
influence in Iran. Towards the end of this period (1974-1977), the explosion
of oil revenues enabled many Iranians to come to the United States,
particularly as visitors and students.
The short second phase of Iranian immigration (1978-1980) can be
distinguished from the first phase in terms of both its increasing volume and
the motives for emigration. The number of Iranian nonimmigrants increased
sharply to an annual average of 112,205 during the one and three quarter years
for which INS data on nonimmigrants are available between 1978 and 1980
{Table 1). The upward trend in Iranian arrivals to the United States after
1978 suggests that after the revolution they included a substantial proportion
of exiles and refugees.
The number of Iranian immigrants, excluding those with visitor or
student visas, increased to an annual average of 8,249 (Table 1). Much of this
growth, however, was due to adjustment in status from nonimmigrant to immi-
grant, particularly in the year 1980. These conversions reflect the major mode
of resident status attainment among Iranians; i.e., to enter as nonimmigrants
(mostly visitors and students) and subsequently to adjust to immigrant status.
Adjustment to immigrant status signifies a desire to settle in the United
States among persons who first arrived as visitors or students.
Table l. Iranian Immigrants and Nonimmigrants Admitted to the United
States, 1950-1980.
Year(a) Immigrants Admitted Nonimmigrants Admitted
1950 245 644
1951 237 826
1952 223 804
1953 160 839
1954 249 871
1955 219 1,113
1956 227 1,417
1957 328 1,723
1958 433 2,595
1959 409 3,351
1960 429 3,705
1961 471 3,426
1962 601 3,614
1963 705 4,685
1964 754 5,808
1965 804 5,954
1966 1,085 5,796
1967 1,414 6,421
1968 1,280 9,533
1969 1,352 11,237
1970 1,825 14,475
1971 2,411 14,927
1972 3,059 18,238
1973 2,998 22,561
1974 2,608 30,164
1975 2,337 35,088
1976 2,700 54,230
TQ1976(b) 1,031 28,964
1977 4,261 98,018
1978 5,861 130,545
1979 8,476 65,813(c)
1980 10,410 NA(d)
Annual Averages
1950-1977 1,515 17,001
1978-1980 8,249 112,205(e)
Notes: (a) Fiscal definition shifted after 1977 from year ended June 30
to year ended September 30.
(b) TQ = transition quarter July-September.
(c) Excludes the fourth quarter of fiscal year for which data
were not available.
(d) NA = not available.
(e) For October 1, 1977-December 31, 1979.
Sources: Immigration and Naturalization Service (1958-1977,1978-1980).
Assessment of the 1980 U.S. Census Data on Iranians in Los Angeles
There is a wide variation in the estimates of the Iranian population in
Los Angeles-Long Beach SNSA, which contains 82 percent of Iranians in the five
counties (Los Angeles, Orange, Ventura, San Bernardino and Riverside) included
in the present analysis. The 1980 U.S. Census reported 25,510 (U.S. Bureau of
the Census 1983:Table 195). Time (1983:22) claimed 200,000, and ranked Iran-
ians as the second largest ethnic minority in Los Angeles, Mexicans being the
first. Time's source for this excessive estimate is unknown, thus reducing
its reliability. On the other hand, it is very likely that the 1980 U.S.
Census undercounted Iranians. First, the census enumeration took place during
the Iranian "hostage crisis." Under those circumstances, many Iranians may
have disguised their national origin in the Census questionnaire for fear of
hostility and deportation. Refusal or disguise was probably most common among
Iranians who were in violation of their visas at the time. According to INS,
1,203 Iranians were deported for visa violations in the fiscal year 1979-80,
which was the largest number of deportees for any immigrant group in that year
(INS 1980:Table 39). Second, many non-Muslim Iranians (especially Armenians
and Assyrians), may have only reported their ancestry rather than place of
birth or Iranian origin in the U.S. Census, thus reducing the number of Iran-
ians enumerated. However, in spite of its limitations, the 1980 U.S. Census is
the only source of systematic demographic and socioeconomic data on Iranians
in the United States.
Another feature of Iranians is the presence of a large number of stu-
dents. In 1980, 29 percent of Iranians in Los Angeles were students.4 Census
data on the characteristics of Iranian students and non-students 20 years and
older indicate that despite their relatively younger age, students have a
higher educational level than non-students. Students also are more fluent in
English. Not surprisingly, Iranian students do not do as well economically as
non-students. The former show lower labor force participation with smaller
proportions holding high status jobs. These factors combined with working
fewer weeks per year and a lower self-employment rate result in about half as
much earnings for students than non-students (around $9,000 as compared to
$17,000 during 1979). Therefore, the inclusion of students with non-students
in any analysis of Iranians distorts the statistical profile of this minority.
It leads to younger age distribution, greater knowledge of English, less
reliance on self-employment, lower occupational profile, and markedly lower
levels of income.
Iranians in Los Angeles are composed of several distinctive ethno-
religious sub-groups, such as Muslim, Bahai, Jewish, Zoroastrian, Armenian and
Assyrian. Compared to their population size in Iran, non-muslim religious
minorities appear to be overrepresented among Iranians in this metropolitan
area. Unfortunately, since the U.S. Census has no questions on religion and
the tabulations of the 1980 Census question on ancestry explicitly excluded
religion, it is impossible to identify all of these sub-ethnic groups in the
1980 U.S. Census. Only a non-governmental sample survey could do so. Neverthe-
less, the new question on ancestry, introduced for the first time in the 1980
Census, makes it possible to identify persons of Armenian ancestry and class-
ify Iranians into two sub-groups: Armenians and non-Armenians. The latter sub-
group is, of course, heterogeneous and includes all the other ethno-religious
groups mentioned above. Although the ancestry question also allows us to
identify other sub-ethnic groups such as Assyrians, Kurds and Turks, these
ethnic groups are included in the non-Armenian category because they are too
smalll to warrant a separate analysis.
Minority, Demographic, and Educational Characteristics of Immigration Cohorts
Data from the 1980 U.S. Census allow us to test the three hypotheses
about the differences between minority, demographic, and educational charac-
teristics of the pre-1975 and the 1975-80 non-student immigration cohorts.
There appear to be proportionately more minorities in the 1975-80 than
the pre-1975 cohort. While the percentage of Armenians increased only from
24.4 in the pre-1975 cohort to 28.8 in 1975-80 cohort, this increase was
statistically significant at the 5 percent level (calculated from Table 3). If
the census data had also enabled us to identify Iranian Jews and Bahais, there
would have been a much greater increase in the minority composition of these
two immigration cohorts. Thus there is clear support for the first hypothesis.
Tables 2 and 3 provide support for the second hypothesis as it applies
to all refugees as well to specific religious minorities within the refugee
stream. For all non-students, the sex ratio drops sharply from 153 for the
pre-1975 cohort to 97 in 1975-80 (calculated from data given in Table 2), thus
suggesting that Iranian exiles tend to have a more balanced sex distribution
than other immigrants. Also, both men and women who arrived in 1975-80 were
not only younger on the average than those who came before 1975 but had also a
more balanced (or heterogeneous) age distribution as measured by the standard
deviation. The increase in the standard deviation of age between the earlier
and later cohorts, however, is only statistically significant for men.
Since there are marked differences between Armenians and non-Armenians,
the contrast between pre-1975 and 1975-80 immigrants within these sub-groups
should be even greater than for all Iranians. Among non-Armenians, the 1975-80
migration cohort is much more balanced in terms of sex ratio and age than the
earlier cohort, thus suggesting less migration selectivity for the more recent
migrants. The sex ratio dropped sharply from 193 to 95 men per 100 women, and
the mean age decreased from 39.2 to 35.8 years (Table 3). What is more
significant, however, is that the standard deviation of age increased markedly
from 11.0 to 16.5. It is clear that, among non-Armenians, the cohort with the
large number of refugees was much more balanced demographically than the pre-
1975 immigrants. Among Armenians, the demographic differentials between
cohorts are similar to those for non-Armenians, but are surprisingly much less
marked. It should be noted, however, that the sample for Armenians who arrived
before 1975 is small. While these results are consistent with the second hypo-
thesis, they fail to suggest a higher demographic heterogeneity among minority
than non-minority refugees or exiles. But, as pointed out earlier, the non-
Armenian category itself includes religious minorities.
One interpretation of these findings is that, over time, all immigrant
streams become more balanced demographically because of family reunification.
But, family reunification assumes that immigrants have acquired citizenship.
It appears that this interpretation does not apply to Iranian immigrants,
Table 2. Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of Iranians who immigrated
in 1975-80 and those who immigrated before 1975, male and female non-
students, Los Angeles, 1980.
Characteristics Male Non-students Sig. Female Non-students Sig.
Immigrated of Immigrated of
1975-80 Before 1975 Diff. 1975-80 Before 1975 Diff.
Mean age 38.1 39.0(a) NS 36.3 43.5(a) S**
Standard deviation 18.0 11.0 S** 15.4 14.0 NS
Percent who know English
well or very well 70.2 94.4 NS 59.7 67.2 NS
Mean years of education 14.3 18.1 S** 12.9 14.9 S**
Percent with four or
more years college 43.3 80.0 S** 26.7 43.0 S**
Percent in labor force 54.6 87.8 S** 19.8 42.1 S**
Percent in top white
collar occupations 28.5 53.7 S** 9.1 18.7 S*
Occupational
Prestige Score(1) 213 201 NS 100 187 S**
N (298) (164) (307) (107)
Weeks worked in 1979 37 45 S** 35 39 NS
N (157) (143) (54) (45)
Percent self employed
(including unpaid
family work) 34.0 27.9 NS 11.3 8.3 NS
N (215) (174) (97) (60)
Mean income from all
sources 1979 $17,264 $25,629 S** $ 7,627 $ 9,442 NS
N (203) (153) (97) (65)
Mean wage or salary
income 1979 $15,604 $23,676 S** $ 5,858 $11,299 S**
N (125) (123) (51) (42)
Mean interest or
net rental income $ 8,940 $ 2,892 S** $ 7,212 $ 1,638 S*
N (70) (61) (35) (16)
Notes: (1) The lower the score, the higher the occupational prestige.
(a) These figures are for age in 1980. The age at emigration is
substantially lower for this cohort
S* Differences significant at the .05 level.
S** Differences significant at the .01 level.
Source: Public Use Microdata Sample from the 1980 U.S. Census.
Table 3. Demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of Iranians who immigrated
in 1975-80 and those who immigrated before 1975, Armenian and Non-
Armenian non-students, Los Angeles, 1980.
Characteristics Armenian Non-students Non-Armenian(1) Non-students
Sig. Sig.
Immigrated of Immigrated of
1975-80 Before 1975 Diff. 1975-80 Before 1975 Diff.
Hales and females
N (174) (66) {431) (205)
Percent male 50.6 43.9 NS 48.7 65.9 S**
Mean age 40.6 45.8(a) NS 35.8 39.2(a) S*
Standard deviation 16.9 15.1 NS 16.5 11.0 S**
Percent who know English
not well or not at all 37.3 20.0 S** 34.0 9.4 S**
Percent with four or
more years of college 24.2 33.2 S* 39.2 68.4 S**
Males
N (88) (29) (210) (135)
Mean years of education 13.6 17.1 S** 14.6 18.3 S**
Percent in labor force 51.9 79.3 S** 55.8 89.6 S**
Percent occupational distribution
Admin., managerial
and professional 22.7 51.8 S* 46.9 58.7 S*
Technical and sales 19.7 22.2 NS 22.1 16.7 NS
Clerical 16.7 3.7 NS 4.0 4.0 NS
Service 3.0 3.7 NS 2.7 6.3 NS
Craft, operatives
and laborers 37.9 18.2 S* 24.2 14.3 S*
Percent self-employed
(including unpaid
family work) 33.3 25.0 NS 34.2 28.6 NS
N (66) (28) (149) (126)
Mean family income
1979 $19,402 $35,965 S** $24,536 $32,196 S**
N (69) (27) (159) (101)
Mean income from
all sources 1979 $14,180 $24,486 S** $18,620 $25,885 S**
N (62) (28) (141) (125)
Mean wage or salary
income 1979 $ 9,373 $20,200 S** $17,932 $24,351 S**
N (34) (20) (91) (103)
Mean interest or
net rental income $12,970 $ 3,470 S** $ 7,328 $ 2,778 S*
N (20) (10) (50) (51)
Notes: (1) Includes Assyrians, Bahais, Jews, Kurds, Muslims, Turks, and Zoroas-
trians.
These figures are for age in 1980. The age at migration is
substantially lower for this cohort.
S* Differences significant at the .05 level.
S** Differences significant at the .01 level.
Source: See Table 2.
since only 10 percent of all persons born in Iran and residing in Los Angeles
had been naturalized by 1980.
Using educational achievement as a proxy for socioeconomic achievement,
the evidence given in Tables 2 and 3 clearly contradicts the third hypothesis.
Between the pre-1975 and the 1975-80 cohorts, the mean years of education
decreased from 18.1 to 14.3 for men and from 14.9 to 12.9 for women. This
decline in educational level is statistically significant for both men and
women.
For both Armenians and non-Armenians, there is a noticeable decline in
educational achievement between the two migration cohorts. For the larger
group of non-Armenians, the percent with "five or more years of college"
decreased markedly from 64.0 to 36.2 in the same period (Table 3). Similar
differences were observed for Armenians. These findings indicate that those
who arrived in 1975-80 included more elements of Iran's population such as
women and older persons who were less likely to have a graduate school educa-
tion. It may be noted that the lower levels of education of the 1975-80 cohort
was accompanied by a lesser knowledge of English. Thus, for non-Armenians,
the percentage "knowing English not well or not at all" increased drastically
from 9.4 in pre-1975 to 34.0 in 1975-80 periods (Table 3). This pattern may be
indicative of either a lower socioeconomic status or lesser acculturation of
the 1975-80 cohort. Nevertheless, Iranian migrants as a whole probably have a
better command of English and more education than most other immigrants in Los
Angeles. For example, 34.2 percent of Iranians completed more than four years
of college compared to 30.2 percent for foreign-born Koreans, a highly edu-
cated immigrant group. Furthermore, 10.7 percent of Iranians had little or no
knowledge of English, a level much lower than the comparable figure of 39.2
for Koreans.5
While the findings on education contradict our third hypothesis, they
undoubtedly reflect the fact that education increases with duration of
residence in the United States. Also, the pre-1975 cohort of non-students must
have included many Iranians who obtained their college education in the 1960s
and the mid-1970s.
Occupational and Income Characteristics of Immigration Cohorts
We shall examine now the differences in occupational achievement and
income between the two immigration cohorts and consider the relevance of our
findings to the third hypothesis (Tables 2 and 3). For men, occupational level
and income is much higher for those who came before 1975 than those who came
during 1975-80. The only difference in favor of the exiles is interest and
rental income which is three times higher (around $9,000) than for immigrants
(about $3,000). The pattern is similar for women.
The comparisons of occupational status and income for Armenians and non-
Armenians will be limited to males (Table 3). A comparable analysis could not
be carried out for women because of their small number in the sample.
For both Armenians and non-Armenians, the distribution of occupations
differs appreciably between the pre-1975 and the 1975-80 period. For Armen-
ians, the percentage in the two top occupations (administrative, managerial,
and professional) decreased noticeably from 51.8 to 22.7 and the percentage in
the two bottom occupations (craft, operatives, and laborers) increased
markedly from 18.5 to 37.9. A similar though less marked trend may be noted
for non-Armenians. One unexpected finding is the high level of self-employment
among Iranians in Los Angeles, almost irrespective of group or period
(Table 3). The percentage of Armenian males reporting self-employment
increased from 25.0 to 33.3 between pre-1975 and 1975-80. For non-Armenians
the comparable figures are 28.6 and 34.2 percent. These self-employment rates
suggest that all Iranians, whether Armenians or non-Armenians and exiles or
immigrants, share in common with many other immigrant groups a high reliance
on self-employment as a form of economic adaptation in the United States
(Light 1984).
Both Armenian and non-Armenian males who arrived in 1975-80 had
substantially lower mean 1979 incomes than those who immigrated earlier. Mean
income dropped from $24,486 in pre-1975 to $14,180 in 1975-80 for Armenians
and from $25,885 to $18,620 for non-Armenians in the same period (Table 3).
There is a similar trend for mean wage or salary income. These lower income
levels of men in 1975-80 may be explained, in part, by the fact that the
revolution and subsequent emigration impaired the earning ability of those who
left at that time. It may also be explained by lower educational achievement
and the lesser hours of work for recent immigrants. An interesting finding in
Table 3 is that while mean income from wages or salaries declined between the
two migration periods for both groups, the opposite is true for mean income
from interest or net rental income. Mean income from the latter source
increased from $3,470 to $12,970 for Armenians and from $2,779 to $7,328 for
non-Armenians. These figures imply that Iranians who arrived in 1975-80 had
much more capital at their disposal than those who immigrated earlier. Given
the short length of stay of this cohort in the U.S.; it is unlikely to attri-
bute the availability of capital to savings in the U.S., rather it reflects
bringing in capital from Iran. The greater availability of capital may be a
distinctive feature of some exile or refugee groups compared to economic
immigrants.
In assessing the meaning of the substantial differences in mean income
between Iranian males who came before 1975 and those who arrived after that
date, we need to establish whether or not these differences remain after
controlling for the effects of relevant variables. A multiple classification
analysis was carried out separately for Armenian and non-Armenian males 16
years of age and over who reported that they worked 40 hours or more per week
in 1979 (Table 4). In order to increase the sample size, this population
included students who worked full-time. Income from all sources for males is
the dependent variable and the independent variables are age, education, know-
ledge of English, occupational status, self-employment, and year of immigra-
tion. The results are strikingly different for Armenians compared to non-
Armenians. Mean income dropped sharply from $26,950 for Armenians who came
before 1975 to $16,430 for those who arrived after 1975. After controlling for
the effects of the five independent variables, the decline in mean income
remained as great (from $25,130 to $17,860). For non-Armenians, the unadjusted
mean incomes are $28,510 and $23,520, and the means adjusted for the effect of
the other variables are $26,440 and $25,930. Thus, these variables, that
usually explain levels of income of males, have little effect on income dif-
ferences for the two Armenian migration cohorts. On the other hand, they seem
to explain all of the differences for non-Armenians. It should be noted that
all six variables explain much more of the variance of Armenians' income
(50 percent) than that of non-Armenians' (35 percent).
Table 4. Multiple classification analysis of income from all sources in 1979,
Armenians and Non-Armenians, males age 16 and over and working 40
hours a week or more, by year of immigration, Los Angeles, 1980.
Variables Armenians Non-Armenians(l)
Unadjusted Adjusted Unadjusted Adjusted
means means(2) means means(2)
Year of
Immigration
1975-80 $16,430 $17,860 $23,520 $26,440
N (28) (28) (90) (90)
Before 1975 $26,950 $25,130 $28,510 $25,930
N (22) (22) (102) (102)
R2 .50 .35
Notes: (1) Includes Assyrians, Bahais, Jews, Kurds, Muslims, Turks, and
Zoroastrians.
(2) For the adjusted means, the effects of age, education, knowledge
of English, self-employment and occupation are controlled.
Source: See Table 2.
The fact that timing of migration has a strong net effect on Armenians'
income could be interpreted in terms of exile status. It is in agreement with
the findings by Chiswick (1979) that political refugees or exiles cannot
translate their education and labor market experience from the country of
origin into earnings as easily as immigrants. It is likely that as a predomin-
antly exile population, Armenians arrived mostly after the Iranian revolution
of 1978. Considering the small Ns for Armenians, however, we have to be cau-
tious in interpreting these findings.
The fact that timing of migration has little net effect on the earning
ability of non-Armenians can be considered to confirm the third hypothesis. If
we were able to control for the general tendency of socioeconomic status to
increase with longer residence in the United States, it is likely that the
income of the 1975-80 cohort would have been greater than that of the earlier
one. While all exiles have lower educational levels than immigrants, some
exiles may have more funds at their disposal and achieve a higher income than
immigrants.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Annual data from the Immigration and Naturalization Service were used to
identify two broad phases of Iranian migration to the United States, before
and after the Iranian revolution of 1978. Between the first and second phase,
the average annual number of Iranian immigrants increased about fivefold and
nonimmigrants nearly sevenfold. While most of those who came before 1978 were
permanent or temporary immigrants, the majority of the non-students and some
of the students who arrived after the revolution may be considered to be
exiles.
The Public Use Microdata Sample from the 1980 U.S. Census was used to
analyze the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of Iranians in Los
Angeles with a focus on a comparison between the 1975-1980 and the pre-1975
immigration cohorts. While these intervals do not coincide exactly with the
two phases of Iranian immigration, they do provide a basis for describing the
characteristics of Iranian migration streams during these phases.
The analysis of census data for Iranians provides a clear cut image of
the differences between the 1975-80 and the pre-1975 immigration cohorts for
both Armenians and non-Armenians. These findings reflect only partially,
however, the differences between immigrants and exiles. While the former pre-
dominate in the pre-1975 period, the latter comprise only a portion of those
who arrived during 1975-80. Furthermore, the category of non-Armenians is
heterogeneous and includes major sub-groups such as Jews, Muslims, and Bahais.
Notwithstanding the shortcomings of data from the 1980 U.S. Census, our
analysis gives preliminary support for the first and second hypotheses that
the 1975-80 cohort includes a higher proportion of religious minorities and is
much more balanced with respect to age and sex distribution than the pre-1975
cohort. However, the third hypothesis that Iranians who arrived in 1975-80 had
a higher socioeconomic achievement than those who came before that date is not
corroborated by the data. It is clear that Iranian exiles have a lower educa-
tional attainment than immigrants. Given the preponderance of former students
among Iranian immigrants, this finding is not surprising. The lower occupa-
tional and income levels of Iranian exiles than immigrants may reflect both
their social class origin and the downward mobility of exiles immediately
after arrival. Unfortunately, census data do not allow us to disentangle the
two. Only a survey can resolve this issue and provide a firm test of this
hypothesis.
1.Partial support for this analysis was provided by grant #SES-8512007 from the
National Science Foundation, and by a grant from the Research Committee of
the Academic Senate, UCLA. We acknowledge the assistance of Hye-Kyung Lee
and the helpful comments of Carolyn Rosenstein.
2.The Los Angeles metropolitan region comprises the counties of Los Angeles,
Orange, Ventura, Riverside, and San Bernardino. It is identical to the Los
Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim Standard Consolidated Statistical Area (SCSA) in
the 1980 U.S. Census. The Bureau of the Census rationale for defining SCSA is
that it includes "adjoining SMSA's" which "are themselves socially and
economically interrelated." See U.S. Bureau of the Census (1982:6-4,A-4).
3.Calculated and derived from the INS Annual Report (1980:7) and Table l.
4.Some of the Iranians who were non-students in 1980 may have come as students
rather than as immigrants before 1975. While they may have initiallly
intended to go back to Iran after the completion of their studies, they
changed their minds and became de facto expatriates in the United States as a
result of the Iranian revolution. Unfortunately, it is impossible to evaluate
the relative importance of this group, using the census data.
5.Data for Koreans were obtained from the analysis of the Public Use Microdata
Sample for Los Angeles.
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